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In Dayak Iban system of belief there is no Aki Andan but only the legendary Ini Andan. Aki Andan is deliberately used here merely to denote a male counterpart and not in any way to be construed as her spouse as there being none. Ini Andan occupies a very special social and spiritual station. She is also in possession of many special skills, which among others, the ability to foretell with accuracy what is to come in the near future and also often the saviour of the wounded and downtrodden. Not specifically endowed with such skills or abilities, hence her modern male counterpart has to use the 'teropong' to look into the distant future.

Tuesday, December 30, 2008

SUPP Must Walk the Talk: The Broken Shield

In the aftermath of the Sarawak United People's Party (SUPP) Triennial Delegates Conference held in early December, the Broken Shield had on December 22 asked a question, "What is the Dayaks' role in SUPP?" The party's president, Tan Sri Dr George Chan, in denying that Dayak YBs in SUPP as mere by-standers, gave an almost immediate response, with caption in one local daily, "SUPP has never neglected interest of Dayaks: Dr Chan".

But the Broken Shield on December 26, went further by giving words of caution and suggesting that, "SUPP must walk the talk.

In view of such row between a prominent Dayak blogger and the First Deputy Chief Minister, I can't help but compelled to make some comments on this very important subject matter.

While I fully appreciate the remark made the Broken Shield on the role of Dayak YBs or leaders or members in a Chinese-based SUPP, it is also equally pertinent to ask, what role do Dayak leaders in several Dayak-based political parties play in the betterment of the Dayak community for the past many years? Have there been any spectacular things that they had done for the betterment of the Dayak besides distributing funds under the minor rural projects? Any major or mega projects in the Dayak hinterland had ever been planned for or implemented thus far?

Let me get into a little bit of history. SUPP, formed in 1959, has had an interesting political journey. When the first Chief Minister of Malaya (later Prime Minister of Malaysia), Tunku Abdul Rahman Putra Alhaj, mooted the amalgamation of Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo into a single sovereign political entity, SUPP was strongly against the idea. SUPP was of the view that Sarawak must obtain independence first and then and only then it can discuss the merger with Malaya. SUPP reckoned that Sarawak can only effectively discuss with Malaya after obtaining a full sovereign status and not while it was still a British colony. One must remember that Stephen Yong, a spokesnman of SUPP, was already a lawyer at the material time and knew what he was doing. He was admitted into the roll of advocate and solicitor in the High Court of Borneo on 20 July 1954. SUPP knew there was no way a colony that was trying to get its independence can ever meaningfully bargain with the already independent Malaya. The contents of the IGC reports (IGC stands for Inter Governmental Committee) vis-a-vis the constitutional provisions pertaining to the position of Sarawak and Sabah in the new federation explicitly depitching the the lack bargaining power on part of Sabah and Sarawak. Initially Sarawak National Party (SNAP) supported the stand by SUPP but presumably when Stephen Kalong Ningkan was promised the Chief Minister's post, SNAP changed its stand and supported Party Negara Sarawak (PANAS), Barisan Rakyat Jati Sarawak (BARJASA) and Pesaka Anak Sarawak (PESAKA) to form Malaysia on terms and conditions far fell short of the recommendations of the IGC. Hence when Malaysia was formed on 16 Septemebr 1963, SUPP was left out of the Sarawak Alliance government and became an opposition party. Only after Ningkan was infamously removed in 1966 by the first Governor,Tun Abang Haji Openg, and later through the manipulation of the State Constitution and declaration of Emergency that SUPP became part of the Alliance Government.

The British took exception to the stand taken by SUPP. The colonial administrative machinery was fully used to achieve every effort to tarnish the good name of SUPP including accusing SUPP of admitting communist cadres into the party. SUPP, which started as a multi-racial party and still a multi-racial party, was branded a Chinese party by the British. Hence every effort by SUPP to attract native members into the party had little success.

Coming back to the issue of Dayak role or political participation in SUPP, the Broken Shield was right on the one hand. But on the other hand, over the years, with little success in attracting Dayak members into the party, inevitably has made SUPP a Chinese-based political party. SNAP, another multi-racial party from the outset, underwent similar tranformation into a Dayak-based party. So successful was the British Colonial administration in ensuring that the formation of Malaysia would succeed, it had also succeeded in making a multi-racial SUPP and a multi-racial SNAP into a Chinese-based and Dayak-based party respectively. Being in that state and more so in a communal politics, inevitably the main focus of SUPP would be the community that it represents.

If Dayak role in multi-racial SUPP is minimal, there is nothing to be surprised about as much as Chinese minimal role in multi-racial PBDS or PRS. Even PBB is multi-racial in its constitution and yet the practice is different. It is difficult to accuse SUPP of not seriously giving its Dayak members their appropriate roles. Firstly, it is SUPP internal affairs and its exclusive domain to decide its policy. Secondly, it was the Dayak intitial and continuous rejection of SUPP that has turned the party into its current state. It would be an irony to expect big roles in an organisation that one is rejecting. Similarly, in Dayak-majority but multi-racial party, the non-Dayak are also given minor roles unless they are pushing themselves through as in some cases. Sometimes role can be assigned with the aid of or in exchange of extra dollars, which some Dayak leaders may find it hard to resist. Otherwise, like Dayak in SUPP and so are non-Dayak role in Dayak-based party. It is hard to differentiate when a pot is calling the kettle black. Thus when Dayak interest or role has become insignificant in SUPP it is just the natural course of things.

Sarawak, with its unique and perculiar ethnic relations, could have made any political party truly multi-racial. But unfortunately, the British, taking epitome of the Malayan politics, had chosen to steer Sarawak politics along such pattern. The harmonious and almost prejudice-free relationship is a conducive breeding ground for multi-racial politics. The ethnic felicity in Sarawak is something of a rare kind in other parts of the country.

The aftermath of March 8 General Election shows that racial politics is no longer attractive to Malaysians. However, except for Parti Bersatu Sabah (PBS) and Gerakan and to a lesser extent People Progressive Party (PPP) none of the political parties in the Barisan Nasional is truly multi-racial. All are built along racial lines.

Pakatan Rakyat consisting of DAP, PAS and PKR is a unique though loose coalition. DAP, although has strong Chinese sentiments is a multi-racial party. PAS, an Islamic party admits any Muslim regardless of ethnic origin. PKR is a Malay-led, but truly multi-racial in character.

Taking into account and repeating what the Broken Shield had posed to SUPP, I can say that racial-based political formula is something that would soon become obsolete. Malaysians have strongly indicated a multi-racial approach to politics and not parochial or racial segregation.

Dayak leaders in current politics, in order to stand above others, must bear in mind that they should be leaders for all races. So let SUPP does what it wants with its Dayak YBs, members or leaders. But Dayak leaders who want to play a meaningful role in national politics can no longer be be confined to Dayak politics alone. They must make themselves transcend the racial or religious barriers. Mahatma Gandhi is a shining examples who represents every Indian and so must a Dayak leader represent every Malaysian.

The issues that affect the Dayak or Chinese or Malays or Indians or Kadazan or Orang Asal in Semenanjung Malaysia, Sabah or Sarawak, is a national issue. The approach to solving them must be national in character. Hence Native Customary Right land problem should be a national problem and not just Dayak problem or to be solved by Dayak leaders alone. It is an issue for national leaders to solve and must be solved. Because failure to solve it would create a national problem. The same approach must also be taken with other problems that affect the Malays, Indian or Chinese.

Whether SUPP must walk the talk as the Broken Shield had suggested, is an internal affairs of SUPP. If the Dayak in the party feel that they are not given any role, it is their choice to remain there or to leave. The bigger issue is that, Malaysians in general and Sarawakians in particular, are really in need of new hope--a hope that can put them at better level than where they are today. Forty-five years since the British had left the Sarawak's soil, real socio-economic equality is far from being achieved. Despite the rural population having acquired better education and have access roads to the nearest towns in some places, the general well-being of the rural population is still below the poverty level pattern.

Finally, if we think we can't give or refuse to give others an opportunity and justice, at least we must do ourselves justice by giving ourselves the opportunity to choose according to our conscience.

Time has come when others can no longer dictate as to what is good or bad for us. Yes, there are a lot fears of uncertainties. But then nothing is certain except death. Fear is a natural feeling but that cannot hinder us from exercising our true feeling. When we feel we can no longer remain neutral, that is the time we know we have to take side. And take side we must for Dante had said, which I often quote, "The hottest place in hell are reserved for those, who in time of great moral crisis, choose to remain neutral".

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